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RNR-related Access Barriers and Patterns of Exclusion

Last updated on: 24 October 2024

This section of the report explores qualitative and quantitative evidence illustrating the global implementation of RNR policies as access barriers. In compiling this evidence, we selected a representative group of China’s most popular “Social” apps, which represents the “grey zone internet” as conceived by Xi Jinping in 2013. These apps, if freely available, would facilitate broad and meaningful information exchange between domestic and global users.

Whether or how app providers ought to apply RNR requirements to non-PRC based users, however, has never been explicitly regulated in relevant documents. Yet by the same token, overseas users are also not exempt from China’s expanding RNR system. This, in theory (or perhaps by design), excludes the use of overseas phone numbers as an RNR proxy for most users. Accordingly, overseas users on Chinese platforms exist in a legislative and political grey zone in which the CCP has operationalized identifiability to enable surveillance and transnational repression.

Given our research and findings, this paper argues that identifiability obligations on China’s social media platforms were designed (and in practice operate) as a protective membrane which can be strategically used to restrict the free exchange of ideas and to separate the Chinese internet from global online communities. Such actions turn RNR into a simple, yet effective, exclusionary mechanism applied to ensure domestic discourse security. Unsurprisingly, as discussed below, new access barriers have subsequently emerged around Chinese social media apps, especially in regions crucial for the exchange of (political) ideas with the Chinese internet.

Four types of barriers to keep out overseas users

Article 24 of 2017’s Cybersecurity Law required Chinese internet service providers, including social media platforms, to verify RNR before providing users with online services. This requirement forced Chinese internet companies to ramp up their RNR verification processes and account management practices, which ultimately posed significant registration challenges for overseas users. While RNR for Chinese users was achieved by linking phone numbers to accounts, internet companies had to develop new methods to ensure RNR for overseas users whose phone numbers could not be matched with identification documents held by Chinese telecom providers (see Figure 3, above, for more details).

The net effect of these regulations was to significantly increase the administrative and technical burdenfor companies supporting users outside of the PRC.1 As a result, certain online payment providers (like Alipay) and mobile game developers (like Tencent) temporarily disallowed new foreign accounts.2 In turn, the majority of Chinese social media platforms announced that overseas users would now be required to submit ID scans. 3 Video platform Kuaishou, however, pulled its app from app stores altogether due to the new administrative challenges.4

Commercial decisions like these highlight how Chinese companies have generally succumbed to pressure from their government, which demands that party interests be prioritized over operational or business interests.5 Studies have shown that the CCP’s extensive influence on tech companies extends deep into their products, including search-engine level censorship 6 and input-level censorship.7 Even U.S. tech giant Apple has removed numerous apps from its app store as a result of such pressure.8

While some companies temporarily halted new foreign accounts to comply with RNR requirements, others attempted to navigate the regulations by developing separate apps for different regions or implementing varying levels of access restrictions (see Figure 4, below). Strategies like these underscore the complex balancing act that Chinese companies must perform to align with the CCP’s policies while still pursuing international growth.9

Figure 4: Strategies adopted by Chinese app developers

Chinese app developers have adopted a variety of approaches to reconcile their global growth targets with the complex regulatory environment related to RNR. Research for this report identified three such strategies:

Different apps for different regions:

Five different versions of the short video app Kuaishou are available for different geographies. The original (快手) is available in China and many other countries, except in the MENA region and most South American countries.10 A “lite” version is available in China only (快手极速版).11 There is also a version available only in the MENA region (Kwai - download & share video), 12 a version only available in Latin American countries (Kwai - ver vídeos bacanas), 13 and a version for niche content available everywhere except Brazil and Kazakhstan (噗叽).14

One app, two systems:

Certain apps have split into two entities to cater to domestic and global audiences separately. Some allow limited exchange between users, such as Weibo Intl.15 and Weibo (微博).16 Others do not allow any interaction between global and domestic users — ultimately functioning as two separate online spheres, as seen with DingDing and DingTalk17, or TikTok and Douyin.18

Stay available under one ID:

Apps like WeChat19 maintain almost identical software packages across international app stores. Various local adjustments can be made, however, such as log-in requirements, default language, and personalized recommendations. This strategy offers less flexibility than the multi-app approach but allows for a more unified presence.20

We identified four distinct types of access barriers that can exclude users or force identifiability during our app walkthroughs (from downloading software on app stores to engaging with other users on the platform). These included:

Type #1. App store censorship:

Apps are pulled from app stores to prevent people from downloading the necessary software. For example, after considerable popularity in 2021 and 2022, Kuaishou, a short video and e-commerce platform, is now unavailable in many MENA region app stores (see Figure 5, below). Users outside of China will not find this version in their app stores.

Type #2. Phone number registration:

Overseas users are not offered the phone number of their country of residence (or the prefix of their SIM card) in the app’s registration interface. When users are unable to select the phone number prefix of their country of residence, receiving a verification message is impossible — turning phone-number-based RNR into an effective access barrier. For example, on “Weibo Intl.,” only residents of 29 countries can sign up (see Figure 5, below).

Type #3. ID verification:

Submitting identification documents and the accompanying loss of anonymity may deter users from registering on a platform if such requirements are believed to be not necessary or appropriate from the perspective of the user.

Type #4. Cross-Account verification:

When account verification can only be completed by verification of other users on a given platform, new user sign-ups may be effectively excluded if they have no prior contacts or choose not to reveal existing ones.

Figure 5: Blocked by numbers – Regional restrictions block Chinese app use

Figure 5.1

App store level censorship for Kuaishou for users in Algeria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and others

Figure 5.2

Phone number registration options on app “Weibo Intl.”

Source: App walkthroughs on Kuaishou and Weibo Intl. (conducted March 2024).

Two different intentions can be identified from these four types of barriers. Types #1 and #2 are exclusionar yby design, representing a hard barrier around the grey zone (see Figure 5). The limiting intent here is obvious and although workarounds exist for these barriers, they do not provide sustainable or reliable solutions.21 Types #3 and #4, on the other hand, work to enforce identifiability but do not de facto exclude certain types of users. Instead, these barriers ensure that interactions from new users within the grey zone can be closely monitored. While these barriers pose privacy risks, they are not insurmountable and therefore can be considered soft barriers, in so far as the loss of privacy might discourage new users. The intent here appears to be to permit new users from abroad, so long as they are willing to comply with RNR policies.

Our anonymous survey of at-risk communities indicated that overseas users have indeed encountered each type of access barrier identified above (Figure 6, below). Nearly half of all respondents reported having encountered type #3 and #4 access barriers related to identifiability (49% and 46%, respectively). More than a third reported experiencing barriers of types #1 and #2 aimed at excluding users (38% and 43%, respectively). Survey respondents additionally leaned towards the perception that access barriers on Chinese social media apps were more prevalent as compared to other international competitors. The largest group (45%) reported greater difficulty registering on apps developed by Chinese companies. In contrast, most respondents found account maintenance to be similar on both Chinese and international apps (51%).

Global patterns of access barriers

In scoping the global implementation of transnational hard access barriers of types #1 and #2 (app store-level barriers and unavailable country phone numbers), we selected the 62 most-downloaded Chinese social media apps across 58 countries.22 Our findings reveal that 75% of these apps have implemented phone-number based RNR (as opposed to e-mail registration or free use). This indicates that roughly three-out-of-every-four Chinese-developed apps enforce identifiability requirements for overseas users, representing a significant — and controllable — portion of the grey zone internet (see Appendix 4). In other words, access conditions set by China’s cyber regulators have become almost inescapable.

Further tests were then conducted to determine whether RNR policies have turned into access barriers for information exchange. In doing so, we dropped six of the 39 apps, as they allowed for no exchange of information. The remaining 33 apps represent perhaps the most important information channels in the grey zone internet. We checked hard access barriers for those 33 apps from across 58 countries, resulting in 1914 country-app pairs. At least one access barrier of type #1 or #2 was recorded in 664 instances, representing 35% of possible country-app pairs (see the full overview Access Barrier Matrix in Table 1, below, for more details).23

Notably, however, the recorded types of hard access barriers and their implementation across the tested apps and regions displayed a considerable degree of heterogeneity — suggesting China’s ideological security firewall is not meant to completely prevent information exchange (or is at least unsuccessful in doing so in practice). Three levels of varying global restrictiveness can be categorized among the tested apps. In the first group of 10 apps (Group 1), the apps are largely unavailable across the world due to either type #1 or type #2 barriers. These apps — which included popular options such as DingDing, Kuaishou, and Douban — either cannot be downloaded at all or users cannot register for them with their national phone numbers (or both).The next group of 15 apps (Group 2) is generally accessible around the world, but occasionally faces both types of hard access barriers. This group also contains some popular apps, including QQ, Weibo (微博), and Zhihu (知乎). The eight apps in Group 3 were freely available across the 58 countries in our tests, and include the likes of WeChat (微信) and Little Red Book (小红书).

The matrix below also provides evidence of geographic distinctions. Certain clusters of apps in Group 2 are only unavailable in particular regions. For example, a set of apps in Group 2 (including QQ and other social networks) are only unavailable in the extended European region, whereas certain video streaming and forum apps (including Kuaishou and Zhihu) are largely inaccessible in the MENA region and South American countries. This pattern is particularly noteworthy in the context of the CCP’s fear of domestic instability and a U.S.-promoted Color Revolution in China.24 The Asia-Pacific region, Sub-Sahara Africa, and countries in Central Asia on the other hand, enjoy fairly unrestricted access, even among apps of Group 1. Perhaps surprisingly, few access barriers exist for apps in the U.S.

Table 1: The Minesweeper of censorship – China limits information exchange on apps

Group 1 Group 2 Group 3
Region Country Total count of barriers Baidu Tieba (百度贴吧) DingDing - Make It Happen DouYin (抖音) QQ Browser WeChat Reading Himalaya FM (喜马拉雅FM) Hertz (赫兹) Douban Mango Live (芒果直播) Wefun Ola Party - Live, Chat & Party Meipai HeeSay - Blued LIVE & Dating QQ SUGO: Voice Live Chat Party Kuai Shou Nonolive - Live Streaming Zhihu (知乎) Zhihu Daily (知乎日报) MOMO陌陌 Weibo (微博) WeCom-Work Communication&Tools Yingke Live (映客直播) YoHo: Group Voice Chat Room Calamansi - Pinoy Live Cast HUAWEI FamCare Haya: Best Audio Experience JusTalk - Video Chat & Calls JusTalk Kids - Safe Messenger Little Red Book (小红书) Nekogram* Uplive-Live Stream, Go Live WeChat (微信)
Asia-Pacific Hong Kong 12 2 2 2 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 2 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Pakistan 10 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
South Korea 10 3 2 2 2 2 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Vietnam 10 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Indonesia 9 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
New Zealand 9 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Australia 8 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Japan 9 2 2 2 2 2 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Philippines 8 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Thailand 8 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Malaysia 7 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Taiwan 7 2 2 2 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Singapore 6 2 2 2 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Eastern Europe and Central Asia Kazakhstan 12 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Belarus 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Russia 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Turkey 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Azerbaijan 10 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
European Union (EU27) and Affiliates + Extended Europe Czech Republic 16 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 1 1 1 3 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Finland 14 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Hungary 14 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Ireland 14 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Portugal 14 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Romania 14 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Belgium 13 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Denmark 13 2 2 2 2 2 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Greece 13 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 0 1 1 3 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Netherlands 13 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Poland 13 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
France 12 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Germany 12 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 0 1 0 1 1 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Italy 12 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 3 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Spain 12 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 2 0 0 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Sweden 12 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 0 1 0 1 1 3 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Austria 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Norway 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Switzerland 11 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 0 1 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Ukraine 11 2 2 2 3 2 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
United Kingdom 11 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Latin America and the Caribbean Dominican Republic 17 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 3 2 2 0 2 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Peru 14 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 1 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Chile 13 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Argentina 12 2 2 2 2 0 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Brazil 12 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Colombia 12 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Ecuador 11 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Middle East and North Africa (MENA) United Arab Emirates 15 3 2 2 2 2 3 3 0 1 3 0 0 0 2 0 1 0 2 2 2 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Algeria 12 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Israel 13 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Egypt 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Kuwait 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Lebanon 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Saudi Arabia 11 3 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
North America Mexico 12 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 1 3 0 0 0 0 0 3 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Canada 12 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
United States 8 2 2 2 0 2 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Sub-Saharan Africa Nigeria 12 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 3 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
South Africa 11 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 2 1 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 No recorded barrier
1 App not available for download
2 No phone prefix available
3 Both

Access barrier matrix for 33 apps that allow information exchange in 58 countries.25

Note: Table 1 is vertically ranked by count of barriers per region and regions in alphabetic order; horizontally ranked by count of barriers per app. In cases of multiple global app IDs, we considered only the ID of the original Chinese version in this sample. Original Chinese names of apps as listed in app stores are in brackets.
* Only on Android
Source: App walkthroughs conducted in March 2024.

Our survey further underscores the access difficulties experienced across China’s most popular social apps (Figure 7, below). Across 10 major apps, 5% of respondents on average reported being able to download an app but ultimately unable to sign up for it. In addition, survey respondents were unable to download apps roughly 2% of the time, on average. Maintaining access to a registered account also seemed to be an issue, with 7% of respondents reporting they had lost access to their accounts. This issue was particularly prevalent with Weibo (17%), QQ (13%), and WeChat (12%).

Finally, our research also examined how users typically respond to encountering access barriers (Figure 7, below). The majority of respondents adapted to access barriers, with 29% acquiring separate phones dedicated to running only Chinese social media apps, 23% complying with barrier requirements and 8% reporting they did not ultimately mind the barriers when encountered. Nearly one-fifth of all respondents, however, deleted apps affected by access barriers — and were thus effectively deterred from entering the grey zone and participating in China’s online discourse.


  1. After CSL came into effect, the RNR system still lacked, especially in terms of data protection, technical infrastructure and supervision and coordination clarity. See Jia Dengxun [贾登勋] and Du Yiran [杜一冉], “The Dilemma and Way Out of China’s Internet Real-Name System” [我 国网络实名制的困境与出路], People’s Forum [人 民论坛], March 9, 2017 http://www.rmlt.com.cn/2017/0309/463620.shtml↩︎

  2. After Tencent (a Chinese big tech company focusing on games) introduced RNR for its mobile online game “Honor of Kings,” overseas users periodically experienced account closures. See shixi, “National Server Mobile Games Launch Real-Name Authentication, Foreign Players: Babies Feel Bitter” [国服手游开启实名认证,外服玩家:宝宝心里苦], Game Tea House [游戏茶馆], May 27, 2017 http://youxichaguan.com/news/13116.html. Alipay users had a similar experience the year before. See Jiang Yannan [江雁南] and Su Xinqi [苏昕琪], “When Alipay Pushes Real-Name System in Its Own Way, What About Its Overseas Users?” [当支付宝用“自己的方式”推实名制,它的海外用户怎么办?], The Initium [端传媒], May 20, 2016↩︎

  3. Weibo wrote in its 2017 account policy update: “Overseas users need to prepare employer certificates and business cards, ID cards, driver’s licenses or passports, and relevant industry certificates for real-name authentication.” See Anonymous [佚名], “Introduction to Sina Weibo Real-Name Authentication Rules and Authentication Steps” [新浪微博实名认证规则及认证步骤方法介绍], PC online, November 16, 2017 https://pcedu.pconline.com.cn/1029/10297361.html. See also Chen Yuxi [陈宇曦], “Bilibili Requires Real-Name Verification for Video Uploads: Responding to Policy Requirements, Domestic Users Can Bind Mobile Phones” [B站上传视频需实名验证:响应政策要求,国内用户可绑定手机], The Paper [澎湃], June25, 2017↩︎

  4. As explained in a public statement by Kuaishou in April 2018. See Guzi [谷子], “Why Can’t ‘Kuaishou’ Be Downloaded? Introduction to the Reasons for the Inability to Download” [ 《快手》为什么不能下载了?无法下载原因介绍] , 3DMGame, April 10, 2018 https://shouyou.3dmgame.com/gl/79797.html↩︎

  5. High-level representatives of these companies are often summoned (约谈) to closed-door meetings and are compelled to comply through large-scale internet cleanup campaigns such as Qinglang and Cybersword, as well as the new app rectification platform. For example, the CAC annually calls in representatives and forces, or they need to acquire licenses to carry out any services, as is the case for microblogging platforms in February 2018. See William Zheng, “In Just 3 Months, China’s Internet Censor Has Closed Over 4,000 Websites and Removed 55 Apps,” SCMP, May 2, 2023. Similarly, the platform “全国APP技术检测平台” by China Academy of Information and Communications Technology of Ministry of Industry and Information Technology tests 180,000 apps per month. According to official reporting, app developers must under go data collection tests and approval by the ministry before apps can be delivered to app stores. The ministry argues these tests are for the sake of protection of personal data of users, the platform monitors each apps data collection practices, including personal and device data (MAC addresses and IMEI numbers). In the first year after launch in 2020, almost 2.5 million apps were tested and more than 2,000 were “rectified.” See The Paper [澎湃], “Monitored by Mobile Apps? Ministry of Industry and Information Technology: Enhance Detection Capabilities, Build a Full-Chain Supervision System” [被手机APP监视?工信部:提升检测能力,建全链条监管体系], November 25, 2021 https://m.thepaper.cn/kuaibao_detail.jsp?contid=15554170&from=kuaibao↩︎

  6. Similar to search engine level censorship evidence. See Jeffrey Knockel, Ken Kato, Emile Dirks, “Missing Links - A Comparison of Search Censorship in China,” The Citizen Lab, April 2023↩︎

  7. Jeffrey Knockel, et al., “We Chat, They Watch,” May 2020, Citizen Lab; “During June Fourth, Sina Weibo Prohibits Overseas Users from Posting Images, Videos (Updated)” [六四期间 新浪 微博禁止海外用户发图、视频(更新)], China Digital Times, June 2, 2017↩︎

  8. To limit the countries in which their apps are available for download. See Tech Transparency Project, “Apple Is Censoring its App Store for China,” December 23, 2020; Mathew Ingram, “Apple’s censorship in China is just the tip of the iceberg,” Columbia Journalism Review, April 25, 2024↩︎

  9. Talek Harris, “China’s Weibo eyes global expansion, foreign-language products,” The Jakarta Post, November 30, 2018↩︎

  10. AppleCensorship, “快手,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/440948110, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  11. AppleCensorship, “快手极速版,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1472502819, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  12. AppleCensorship, “Kwai - download & share video,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1550102968, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  13. AppleCensorship, “Kwai - Video Social Network,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1338605092, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  14. AppleCensorship, “噗叽,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1439077104, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  15. AppleCensorship, “Weibo intl.,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1215210046, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  16. AppleCensorship, “微博,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/350962117, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  17. AppleCensorship, “DingTalk,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1502941291, accessed on May 5, 2024; AppleCensorship, “DingDing,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/930368978, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  18. AppleCensorship, “抖音,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/1142110895, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  19. AppleCensorship, “WeChat,” available at: https://applecensorship.com/app-store-monitor/app/414478124, accessed on May 5, 2024. ↩︎

  20. Qiao Long [乔龙], “Tencent Implements ‘One WeChat, Two Systems’” [腾讯实行“一微两制”], RFA, September 10, 2021↩︎

  21. Such as Virtual Private Networks, downloading apps from third-party providers, changing country settings for a devices app store or acquiring different sim cards. ↩︎

  22. This overview excludes China. We also omitted India because the Modi administration has effectively banned hundreds of Chinese apps from national app stores since 2020. As such, India operates the only government other than the CCP responsible for nationwide app-store-level censorship. See “The problem with India’s app bans,” Justin Sherman, “The Problem with India’s App Bans,” The Atlantic Council, March 2023↩︎

  23. One “country-app pair” refers to a combination of one country and one app, such as Zhihu in Canada. Given 33 apps and 58 countries in our sample, there are 1,914 possible “country-app pairs.” ↩︎

  24. China Daily, “Report Reveals CIA Behind ‘Color Revolutions’,” June 25, 2023 https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202306/25/WS6497a2b0a310bf8a75d6b6e7.html↩︎

  25. This overview excludes China. We also omitted India, because the Modi administration has effectively banned hundreds of Chinese apps from national app stores since 2020. As such, India operates the only government other than the CCP responsible for nationwide app store level censorship. See “The problem with India’s app bans,” The Atlantic Council↩︎